Virginia Capitol Connections Summer 2019

V I R G I N I A

Q U A R T E R L Y M A G A Z I N E

Contrabands arrive at the main gate of Fort Monroe Casemate Museum Archives

“Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves” ABRAHAM LINCOLN

INSIDE Race and Reconciliation Virginia’s History

SUMMER 2019

Cape Charles, Virginia

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C O N T E N T S VIRGINIA CAPITOL CONNECTIONS QUARTERLY MAGAZINE

Summer 2019

4 Publisher’s Introduction

5 The Past Begins With Equity Today

Race and Reconciliation (continued) and Virginia’s History

5 To Build a More Equal Virginia

6 Renaming a Boulevard

7 Felony disenfranchisement

8 Are we making progress?

page 5

9 A Northern View

10 The Capitol Calamity

10 Capitol Square Stories

Rasoul

Bagby

page 5

11 Richmond’s Preservation Pioneer

12 George Wythe

13 The Bedford Boys

14 Earthly Departures

Gray

page 13

15 For History Lovers

page 6

16 Redistricting Reform

Ruff

18 A Bruising Election Cycle

20 “I’ll beat you every time.”

21 Railroading

On The Web www.vccqm.org

22 If Walls Could Talk

Henderson

Rush

page 14

24 Veterans, military, and families

page 16

26 JLARC Studies

Volume 25 Number 3 • Editor-in-Chief –Bonnie Atwood • Assistant Editor –Hayley Allison • Student Editor –Cierra Parks • Staff –Aynae Simmons • Publisher –David Bailey Art Director –John Sours • School Distribution –schools@capitolsquare.com • Advertising –Ads@CapitolSquare.com • Printer –Wordsprint • Virginia Capitol Connections Quarterly Magazine (ISSN 1076-4577) is published by: Virginia Capitol Connections • 1108 East Main Street • Suite 1200 • Richmond, Virginia 23219 • (804) 643-5554 • Copyright 2018, Virginia Capitol Connections, Inc. All rights reserved. The views expressed in the articles of Virginia Capitol Connections Quarterly Magazine , a non-partisan publication, are not necessarily those of the editors or publisher.

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Publisher’s Introduction By David Bailey Several weeks ago, while my dermatologist was examining my back, the conversation went something like this. “If he had, everyone would have sighed and it would have been over. We would have moved on. But since he’s staying we will not ignore race and racism. We will be forced to deal with it.” “Besides that,” she said, “I know the Governor. He’s not a racist.” Ah, powerful thought-provoking words . . . . If he had resigned some would have said what a terrible thing he had done, what a bad person he was. Others would have defended him saying that’s not who he is. Many of us might have moved on, ignoring current racism. For those willing to confront racism, I invite you to react to the five points raised by Bagby and Barton’s 2019 anniversary. Consider what South writes about restoration of rights, and then celebrate with Gray that Richmond now has an Arthur Ashe Boulevard. Agree with Rasoul, “Equity is a journey, not a destination. We were reminded this winter that it’s a complicated journey.” Before you read her book, enjoy Munson’s tribute toWythe. What were those 126 new and revised laws thatWythe and Jefferson proposed that moved Virginia’s General Assembly beyond the Colonial period? Now consider our Governor’s Executive Order 32 that directs a new commission to “review the Virginia Acts of Assembly, Code of Virginia, and administrative regulations with the goal of identifying and making recommendations to address laws that were intended to or could have the effect of promoting or enabling racial discrimination or inequity. In the case of the Acts of Assembly, discriminatory laws were enacted and in some cases obviated by court rulings, but the words still remain.” If not now, when? “I’m glad the Governor did not resign.” Glancing around, I replied, ‘Oh, why?”

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About the cover

Charles Mallory, a Virginia militia colonel sent three of his enslaved men to Sewell’s Point in Norfolk to aid in the construction of Confederate gun emplacements. Fearing they would be sent further south, three courageous men, Frank Baker, James Townsend, and Shepard Mallory, travelled across Hampton Roads and sought sanctuary at Fort Monroe on May 23rd, 1861. Although they had travelled north for, they were in danger of being sent back to Mallory under the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. Former lawyer,

V I R G I N I A

Q U A R T E R L Y M A G A Z I N E

Contrabands arrive at themain gate of FortMonroe CasemateMuseumArchives

“Thosewhodeny freedom toothers, deserve itnot for themselves” ABRAHAM LINCOLN

INSIDE RaceandReconciliation Virginia’sHistory

SUMMER 2019

Virginia Capitol Connections seeks to add to both dialogue and action through this and subsequent issues in our 25th anniversary year. Send comments to the publisher: DBailey@CapitolSquare.com. Union Major General Benjamin F. Butler, who had recently taken command of Fort Monroe, decided to offer the three men protection after hearing that they would become laborers for the enemy. He decided to offer the men protection as confiscated “contraband” in an effort to deny labor to southern forces. This would later be known as the Contraband Decision of 1861, and it would eventually lead to Confiscation Acts, The Emancipation Proclamation and the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution. Thanks to the staff at Fort Monroe for providing this explanation. Information on the 400th commemoration is available at fortmonroe.org. V

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Reconciling The Past Begins With Equity Today By Delegate Sam Rasoul In recent months, we’ve had countless

An Agenda to Build a More Equal Virginia By Delegate Lamont Bagby Earlier this year, my friend and colleague Delegate Jay Jones took to the floor of the Virginia House and gave a heartfelt statement about how racism impacts our commonwealth and our country today. The speech gave words to the generations of struggle and hurt that define being black in America, particularly in the South. It offered a personal understanding that the impacts of slavery, segregation and systemic discrimination aren’t relics of the past. They are being felt acutely in black families and communities at this very moment.

uncomfortable conversations about race and bias. It’s become painfully obvious that we have wounds which have simply scabbed over and not healed. Thus, it raises the question: How does Virginia actually begin the reconciliation process? Moreoften thannot, racial reconciliation efforts involve roundtable discussions with prominent people of different backgrounds. Conversations begin with stories of pain

and histories of oppression, and end with a checklist of action items. Our society continues to engage in this flawed cycle as we refuse to acknowledge a stark reality: reconciliation of the past cannot happen until we alleviate the unjust inequities of the present. History gives us context to reflect on for sure. My hometown of Roanoke is one of the most racially segregated cities in the country, and the policies of urban renewal from decades ago are in part to blame. Roanoke was subjected to urban renewal at least three times, leveling our historically black neighborhoods in the name of economic progress. Urban renewal obliterated the thriving support systems that were the backbone of black Roanoke. Those systems were crucial at a time when Jim Crow laws stripped basic rights from people of color. People in those neighborhoods lost their community and security, and received nothing in return. While recent events in Virginia have pushed certain conversations to the forefront, we find the same unjust policies and processes continue to dominate the environment. Union Hill, an historic African-American community in Buckingham County founded by freed slaves after the Civil War, is under threat today. Dominion Energy plans to build a massive, air polluting compressor station for its Atlantic Coast Pipeline right in the middle of Union Hill. The station threatens the health and vitality of that black community. Or consider poverty. With the tight correlation between race and socioeconomics, we cannot ignore the fact that Virginia is currently ranked 51st in the nation (including D.C.) for workers. An honest conversation of race and inequities must include how our economy will alleviate the violence of poverty, which leaves families in a persistent traumatic state. Even while certain policies may not carry direct prejudice, there repercussions must be considered. Simply put, the lack of intent to discriminate does not change entrenched patterns that continue to disadvantage marginalized communities today. As we try to discuss reconciliation, one can begin to understand why promises of a more equitable future are tough to swallow as scars are still so visible. We return to the fundamental issue of equity. I’m not saying everyone should be given an equal amount at the end, but that we must deliver on the promise that we all begin with the same opportunities. One final thought—Equity is a journey, not a destination. We were reminded this winter that it’s a complicated journey. Delegate Sam Rasoul is a Democrat representing the 11th District, which includes part of the City of Roanoke. Equity is a journey “ ”

Delegate Jones’ speech and the controversy that prompted it inspired many white Virginians to ask about tangible policy steps we can take to combat systemic racism and its impacts on our Commonwealth. That is the right question to ask. However, I hope the people asking can understand why so many black Virginians are frustrated that it took a scandal involving our Governor and Attorney General to begin a discussion on fixing problems that have plagued our communities for generations. That scandal highlighted continued racial disparities and historical inequities. Despite the advancements we’ve made as a society, large swaths of our communities still feel the weight of poverty, a broken criminal justice system, and systemic racism that blocks them from accessing the resources and opportunities to escape those inequities. At this point in our history, we must move beyond reconciliation conversations and commit to action. It begins with reparations in the form of educational equity and criminal justice reform. It is sustained through economic empowerment, affordable housing and healthcare.

We must… commit to action. “ ”

We must embark on a historic mission to right the wrongs suffered by so many, for far too long. For some, reparations may be perceived as a divisive term but moving forward requires recognizing the damage that was inflicted upon black communities in our state and others and committing to healing it. It is not time to merely “tolerate” our differences. It is time to uplift all our communities—especially those who have suffered the most. I felt prompted to write this article, on behalf of the Virginia Legislative Black Caucus, to advance this important mission.

I am hopeful that Virginians who come to this conversation take a fresh look at issues like educational inequality, unfair housing policy, criminal justice reform, healthcare and many others and decide that this is the moment to act. Every member of the VLBC came to Richmond this year with legislation aiming to break down barriers for the communities we serve. Below is a sample of those ideas. These examples are not a comprehensive agenda for racial reconciliation, however passing them would represent substantial progress and improve life for every Virginian, especially Virginians of color. • Raise the minimum wage, as proposed by Sen. Rosalyn Dance and many of our colleagues. The importance of raising the minimum wage is particularly striking for families and communities of color who have faced barriers such as under-resourced schools and discrimination in the job market. See An Agenda to Build , continued on page 6

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Renaming a Boulevard By Councilwoman Kimberly B. Gray 2019 is a momentous year for all

come here. It is my hope that the Arthur Ashe Boulevard Dedication ceremony on June 22 helped to reconcile supporters and opponents by bringing about a greater understanding of the positive importance that the new name is to many who feel that their history and accomplishments have not been heretofore appropriately recognized. We must continue to challenge and enlighten others about the behaviors and beliefs that even now still attempt to divide us. As we celebrate the progress of 400 years of struggle, survival and triumph, let us move forward and be steadfast in our journey toward complete and total reconciliation, justice and equality. Richmond Councilwoman Kimberly B. Gray is a graduate of the Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership and a graduate of Leadership Metro Richmond. She also serves as a trustee for the Richmond Public Schools Board of Trustees. She was elected to the Richmond City Council in 2017 to serve until the end of 2020.

Virginians as we join the rest of the nation in commemorating 400 years of history since the firstAfricanAmericans arrived in Jamestown. While celebrating the progress that we have made since 1619 is appropriate, it is equally important to realize that this year presents a great opportunity for African Americans to assess our current status inVirginia and in the United States and to rededicate ourselves to a deeper reconciliation. Reconciliation means different things

to different people. For many reconciliation signifies a bringing together of those of diverse backgrounds and experiences in order to find common ground. For me, reconciliation has been more of an internal process and a journey through my own history and belief systems. Before we can reconcile with others, each of us must first come to terms with ourselves and our own respective histories. Only then can we begin to facilitate the healing process. Reconciliation includes forgiveness. Forgiveness in the face of ignorance and intolerance from those who lack the empathy and understanding of another’s pain and struggle is crucial. Reconciliation also involves acceptance—not of the injustices that may continue to hold us back, but of the fact that all of us are human and therefore fallible and imperfect beings. An especially appropriate recent example of reconciliation is Richmond City Council’s unanimous approval in February of legislation that I sponsored to rename the Boulevard in honor of the late Arthur Ashe, the Hall of Fame tennis star and international humanitarian who posthumously received the nation’s highest civilian

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Dr. Brenda D. Long Executive Director (540) 760-2504 FAX (540) 961-4392 email brendalong73@gmail.com www.virginiaacte.org

honor, the Presidential Medal of Freedom. Council had twice previously rejected the name change, with some who lived on the Boulevard being especially vocal in their opposition. This time, a diverse group of supporters of the name change joined forces to speak eloquently about how meaningful Arthur Ashe Boulevard would be to them. They characterized the change as a way for Richmond to demonstrate to Virginia, the nation and the world how far the City had come in promoting racial reconciliation and healing. Many African Americans and people of color were emphatic in advocating for a positive and inspirational message that Richmond is welcoming to all who

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An Agenda to Build from page 5

• Make the Earned Income Tax Credit fully refundable, as included in the governor’s proposed budget. The EITC creates opportunity for low income families of all races by providing relief from taxes on food and other products. This proposal would provide an economic boost in struggling communities. • Increase support staff in Virginia’s public schools, as proposed by Delegate Delores McQuinn and Senators Rosalyn Dance and Jennifer McClellan. The suspension rate for black students was 3.8 times higher than for Hispanic and white students. Support staffers, such as school counselors, are crucial for proactively identifying student behavior challenges, and implementing evidence-based alternatives to school exclusion. • Expand access to the ballot box by allowing Virginians to register to vote and cast a ballot on the same day. I proposed this legislation this year to eliminate unnecessary barriers to our

democracy, which all too often affect minority communities and the elderly disproportionately. It is important to remember that many of the challenges black communities face are the product of discriminatory policy decisions that leaders in Richmond made throughout our 400-year history. Solving those problems requires a new set of policy decisions and the courage of leaders from every walk of life and every part of Virginia to step forward together. If we are serious about healing the damage caused by slavery and Jim Crow laws, we must respond with real, tangible action. The Virginia Legislative Black Caucus is ready for our colleagues in the General Assembly to join us in building a better Virginia for all. Delegate Lamont Bagby is a Democrat, representing the 74th District, which includes part of Henrico.

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Felony disenfranchisement policy has disparate racial impact By Jeff South

In 1902, Virginia convened a constitutional convention with one goal in mind: to suppress the vote of newly eligible African Americans. As R.L. Gordon, a delegate to the convention, stated, “I told the people of my county before they sent me here that I intended … to disenfranchise every negro that I could disenfranchise under the Constitution of the United States, and as few white people as possible.” The convention added to the Constitution

“From the time of its original enactment through all of its iterations, Virginia’s felony disenfranchisement provision was deeply rooted in prejudice against African Americans,” Bridging the Gap says. That policy has been exacerbated by Virginia’s “threshold” for grand larceny—the dollar amount that differentiates a misdemeanor from a felony. Until last year, any theft or fraud valued at $200 or more was considered felony larceny. The threshold, which was the lowest in the U.S., has since been raised to still-modest $500. As a result, even to this day, a large proportion of Virginia’s black population has been relegated to perpetual second-class citizenship. Most states automatically restore ex-felons’ voting rights after they have served their time. But in Virginia, the governor must personally review an individual’s case and issue a “restoration of rights” order. Bob McDonnell, a Republican, started to streamline the process when he served as governor in 2010-13 by automating the rights restoration process for non-violent offenders who had fulfilled their sentences. Handling cases one by one, McDonnell restored the voting rights for about 8,000 former prisoners. His successor, Democratic Gov. Terry McAuliffe, tried to issue a blanket executive order restoring civil rights to about 206,000 people. In 2016, the Virginia Supreme Court invalidated that action. McAuliffe then processed the cases on an individual basis—and ended up granting more than 173,000 ex-convicts the right to vote. In February, Northam, also a Democrat, announced that during his first year in office, he had restored the civil rights of about 11,000 Virginians previously convicted of a felony. “I believe in second chances and making our commonwealth more open and accessible to all,” Northam said. “Virginians who have repaid their debts should be able to return to society, get a good job and participate in our democracy. McAuliffe said that “to make lasting change, Virginia must amend the state Constitution to create an automatic process for restoration of rights for all.” For the General Assembly’s 2019 session, Democratic Del. Betsy Carr of Richmond and Republican Sen. Emmett Hanger of Augusta County each introduced constitutional amendments to automatically restore the rights of felons after they have served their sentences. To take effect, such an amendment must be approved during two consecutive legislative sessions and then by voters in a statewide election. Hanger’s proposal cleared the Senate, 37-3. But it died in the House Privileges and Elections Committee—the same panel that had killed Carr’s amendment. Jeff South is an associate professor and director of undergraduate studies in the Robertson School of Media and Culture at Virginia Commonwealth University, where he joined the faculty in 1997 under the mistaken impression he’d have summers off. Before moving into academia, he was a newspaper reporter and editor for 20 years in Texas, Arizona, and Virginia. Over the years, South’s students have won more than 30 awards for political reporting and other coverage.

of Virginia racially discriminatory poll taxes and literacy requirements. Delegates also expanded the constitution’s felony disenfranchisement provisions, which previously applied to infamous crimes such as treason. Under the revised constitution, anyone convicted of low-level offenses such as petit larceny or forgery would lose their voting rights for life. State Sen. Carter Glass, the delegate who drafted the suffrage provisions, made no secret about the intended effects of the constitutional provisions. Glass said the state’s revised constitution would “not necessarily deprive a single white man of the ballot but will inevitably cut from the existing electorate four-fifths of the negro voters … That was the purpose of this convention; that will be its achievement.” “This plan will eliminate the darkey as a political factor in this State in less than five years, so that in no single county of the commonwealth will there be the least concern felt for the complete supremacy of the white race in the affairs of government,” said Glass, who went on to become a U.S. senator and treasury secretary. Fast-forward 117 years: Virginia is among a handful of states that continue to impose a lifetime voting ban on people who have committed felonies—even after they have served their prison time, completed probation, made restitution and complied with all other aspects of their sentence. That policy has a disproportionate impact on African Americans, who—because of poverty, racism and other factors—are more likely than whites to get caught up in the criminal justice system. One in five black Virginians cannot vote due to a felony conviction, officials estimate. Over the past decade, numerous officials—both Republicans and Democrats—have sought to address the issue. In June, Gov. Ralph Northam appointed a task force to identify laws that perpetuate racial inequities; the felony disenfranchisement provision is a disturbing example. Many advocates for criminal justice reform say the ultimate solution would be to amend the state constitution—as Florida voters did last year—to automatically restore the civil rights of defendants who have completed their sentences. “The right to vote is one of the most important rights in American democracy, and felony disenfranchisement laws have long been used as a tool to restrict the right to vote from African Americans,” says a group called Bridging the Gap. “FelonydisenfranchisementinVirginiahasalwaysbeeninextricably connected to the state’s long history of efforts to discriminate against African Americans and exclude them from the political process.” When theVirginia State Convention of 1829-1830 first adopted the felony disenfranchisement provision, only whites could vote. However, delegates were clearly worried by the growing number of free African Americans in the commonwealth—then approximately 44,000—and by the fact that they could vote in states such as North Carolina. The delegates knew that blacks were incarcerated at rates far higher than whites. Racism was a motivating factor in instituting the felony disenfranchisement policy and then expanding it in the Jim Crow years after the Civil War.

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Reconciliation: are we making progress? By Jonathan Barton It has now been 154 years since slavery

in blackface, and arguments over those statues. These events have brought renewed calls for healing and reconciliation. The General Assembly even proclaimed 2019 as a year of Reconciliation and Healing. What does it mean to reconcile or to be concile in the first place? Just where do we begin? It seems very clear there is a problem, yet we are not all on the same page regarding the problem. As the head of the Virginia Council of Churches for almost two decades, I know that one of the founding threads of this body was bridging the racial divide. Yet, every time we had a program that was perceived as a white agenda our black churches were not as visible. At the same time when it was a black agenda our white churches were noticeably absent. How can we begin to address these concerns if we are not even willing to sit down together? When I would raise the topic with individuals I would hear (white) “Been there, done that, get over it” you can also often hear the same thing coming from our General Assembly. If I was speaking with our black leaders I would hear “you are not really serious; you really do not understand the depth of the problem.When you are ready to get serious, we are here. Until then we will do our own thing.” So how do we bridge the gap? How do we open a new window that will allow us to have the open and honest conversations to really get serious about what we have been trying to avoid for so long? If we begin by acknowledging there is a problem and that it is not something in the dim past, but very real and very current and that we have a role to play in making a difference that is a good start. If we can share our story, our whole story the “unvarnished truth,” of our past. We must place ourselves in the difficult place of the other. We need to sit down together and, not just in a pulpit, exchange in continuous conversations, regular study groups working together. We have made attempts off and on in the past, and we need to sustain them.We can no longer wait, hoping for the better nature of our angels to do it for us. This 2019 Anniversary is the Commonwealth’s chance to acknowledge our original sin of racism and “white supremacy,” both first codified into law by Virginia’s House of Burgesses and spread across the land. The window of opportunity is open will we get serious in our efforts towards reconciliation? The Rev. Dr. Jonathan Barton, retired Presbyterian minister, served for 18 years as the head of the Virginia Council of Churches, He holds a Doctor Ministry from Virginia Union University, and a Masters of Divinity from Drew University. Prior to his service with the Virginia Council of Churches, Rev. Barton served as Regional Director for Church World Service.

was abolished by the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. One hundred and fifty- one years since the ratification of the 14th Amendment. Fifty-one years since the assassination of The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and still we struggle as people to live into the creed that “All men and women are created equal.” Are we making any progress towards reconciliation? I remember the groundbreaking airing of Alex Haley’s television mini-series

“Roots” in 1977, and 40 years later the realization of the National Museum of African American History and Culture. The quick answer is yes; we have made progress, but it has been slow and difficult, and we still have a long way to go. When I first arrived in Richmond in 1985, I remember driving down Monument Avenue and seeing the statues. Having grown up in the north and not having traveled through the south, I was perplexed. The Union won the war, but you would never know it by driving down this street. I was even more confused when the dedication of the Lincoln statue brought out demonstrators in period customs and Confederate uniforms. This did seem just a little strange to me. I have now lived in Richmond for as long as I had lived in New Jersey. I have grown to love being here. I have also learned that racism did not end with the war, nor was it confined only to the south. The war may have ended slavery, but racism has been with us since the very beginning even before the arrival of the first enslaved Africans in August of 1619. White supremacy and racism have been around for a long time. It is not just a white and black issue; it is a white and “other” issue. Racism is part of the immigration debate, part of the treatment of native peoples, and it is tied to our Islamophobic fears. Racism is all wrapped up with our fears of the “other,” the one “not like me.”You can find this fear deeply embedded in church history and doctrine, the Doctrine of Discovery in early Papal Bulls giving white, European Monarchs the power to control and subdue the world, to subjugate and enslave other persons in the name of God and their king as if persons of color were not part of

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the image of God but part of creation that “humans” were given dominion over. We can see it implanted in the rule of law and in our criminal justice system. It is so deeply woven into the fabric of Western Civilization that at times it is very difficult to see, yet it is there. So how so can we address such a deeply entrenched fear? History narrates, the past setting the context for the present and our awareness of social identity, giving a glimpse of where we are headed ideologically. George Orwell said, “Who controls the past controls the future; and who controls the present controls the past.” This tense racial context in which we live today is scary. It calls into question who we are as a people, and who we want to be. We have seen this hate surface in the profiling of young black men, the demonstrations in Charlottesville, the embarrassment of a Governor

Virginia Capitol Connections editor, Bonnie Atwood, consults with team, Hayley Allison, Cierra Parks and Aynae Simmons. We thank everyone who submitted articles for this issue, and once more we invite all legislators to contribute their suggestions on Race and Reconciliation .

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A Northern View of Race and Reconciliation By Aurelia Dyson-House I truly appreciate Virginia Capitol

Connections . The spring theme, “Building Bridges”, “Virginians for Reconciliation” and, the unexplained failure of the “Equal Rights Amendment” certainly, updated my knowledge. I looked at the “Don’t go into the colored section” headline. I felt no emotion. I wondered, why? Through an exploration of self, I soon remembered that growing up in the Bronx, NewYork, of the 1950s, I had

never experienced these overt racial signs, or verbal statements like: “Don’t go into the white section,” or signs that said: rest rooms for coloreds. They all were unreal to me. I heard of it, I empathized, but I did not feel emotionally touched. Basically, as a black/Hispanic it was too distant, and abstract to my personal reality. I grew up in New York City, that was emerged in de facto segregation; polite hypocritical smiles, bolstered by disguised coded language with other meanings, political language with other meanings, government bureaucracy, political power, and law enforcement, the “enforcers” that justified and “acted out” inequities and punitive approaches. When white owners, vacated their homes, apartments, and neighborhoods, we, colored folks, happily moved in to rent an apartment, or buy a home. My fleeing white neighbors moved a distance, to suburbia or rural counties. We could not buy homes in their neighborhoods; the cost was exceedingly high, and we could not upgrade to “better” neighborhoods. In some cases, black neighborhoods became ghettoes; as the cost of upkeep and unemployment took its toll. I noted that one price was given to people of color; and a much lower price to white people for apartment rental, or house purchase. I went to Junior High School, where I excelled in art. One day, I noted my oil paintings and sketches were no longer in the art room. I was mystified and inquired about this to my teachers. Two weeks later, they appeared back in the art room. Two boys later told me, while laughing, that they took my art and showed it to Music and Art High School where they had to display their work. They were accepted into the school because of my art. What hurt me, was my teachers never told me about applying for Music and Art; they just ignored me. Later, upon graduation to the 9th grade, I was directed to go to the now called Fashion Institute of Technology. Then, at my time, it was called Central Needle Trades High School. I went there for designing and sketching, since I had a vivid imagination. Shortly, after I was in the designing class, I was called out. I was told that I and the other black girls would be removed from the designing classes, and placed in garment operating, piece-meal sewing in factories. They kindly told us that they are training us to make a living, because there are no jobs in the fashion world for us. My parents, who were immigrants, could not help me. I went into deep depression; the world seemed hopeless. I soon hated school and dropped out. Upon turning 16, I got married. This was de facto racial policies in action. I believe, the liberal north does impede “others” from achieving their potential. Your writer, Nancy Wright Beasley stated, “hatred, is a learned trait.” I agree. I never learned to hate in my home. I did learn, from church, to forgive, and “Do unto Others as You would Have them Do untoYou.” This has been my life mantra. Strangely, to me, I see people not by their skin color, but by their spiritual energy, positive or negative. I do not know how to hate. It is foreign to me. Aurelia Dyson-House graduated from Baruch University College in New York. She is now an insurance agent and broker. She may be contacted through https://aureliadyson-house.myhomehq.biz

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The Capitol Calamity of 1870 By Cierra Parks March 1870, five years after the

Capitol Square Has Many Stories to Tell By Mark Greenough Historic Capitol Square in downtown Richmond is a civic centerpiece for the city and a political campus for the Commonwealth. Today’s square is a well landscaped and carefully maintained public park, providing a welcome setting for legislation, inauguration, commemoration, education and relaxation. Important government buildings and imposing monuments around the square are tangible reminders of power, leadership,

Civil War, the state had recently been re- admitted to the Union and Conservatives were attempting to free Virginia from the constricting policies of the Reconstruction- era Republicans. The Conservatives and Radicals went on to fight for control of the state’s capital for years. A fight that came to a head on March 16, 1870, when Richmond Conservatives tried to drive out the Reconstruction Republicans.

Virginia’s governorwasGilbertWalker, a conservativeRepublican who was reasonably favorable to the state’s Democrats. The mayor of Richmond was George Chahoon, a radical Republican. He had served as mayor for two years before a new council came together and elected Henry K. Ellyson, publisher of the Richmond Dispatch, former sheriff, and member of the Conservative party. Chahoon, however, refused to step down and there marks the beginning of one of Richmond’s most controversial elections. Both Chahoon and Ellyson began attacking each other and their supporters over the course of several weeks. Chahoon organized a special militia consisting of African Americans commanded by Colonel Ben Scott which occupied the First Market House while Ellyson, with the support of Chief of Police John Poe Jr. and his forces occupied City Hall. With their basecamps of operation established, each side began its torment on the other. The fighting remained relatively tame, despite Ellyson’s supporters cutting off the Chahoon Republican’s food, water, and gaslights at the Market House. That is until Daniel Moore, an African American spectator, was fatally wounded during an argument between Poe’s police and annoyed spectators. No one was charged in his death. The fighting continued and eventually ended up in court, where an even worse tragedy would take place. On April 27, 1870 citizens and government officials gathered together in the Capitol to bear witness to one of Virginia’s most controversial mayoralty elections. The Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals was about to deliver a verdict on a Richmond mayor contested election case when the third-floor balcony and courtroom of spectators collapsed into the old House of Delegates on the second floor. Over 60 people were killed, and 251 others were injured, including 15 members of the Virginia General Assembly in what became known as the Capitol Disaster. Funerals took place for three days. In the aftermath of the disaster, cities and businesses all over the country poured money into Richmond and a private committee was established to handle relief efforts. The Governor and House of Delegates reoccupied the Capitol in October 1870, however the Court was permanently relocated to another building. Many people viewed the disaster as an act of God, when really it was the result of the highly strained political environment in Reconstruction era Virginia. Information courtesy of Mark Greenough. Cierra Parks is a student editor for Virginia Capitol Connections Quarterly Magazine. She is a senior at Virginia Commonwealth University majoring in journalism and psychology.

activism and enduring principles. The approximately twelve acres of landscaped grounds are enclosed by an original and distinctive 1818 cast iron fence—one of the earliest of its kind in the country. However, Capitol Square as we know it today took many generations to create and there are many stories it can tell. When Virginia’s government moved to Richmond in 1780 during the Revolution, Capitol Square did not yet exist. An act of assembly authorized the acquisition of six city blocks for public buildings and a market. Condemnation proceedings began in 1781 with local juries assembled by the Henrico sheriff assigning fair market values for individual private lots desired for public purposes. However, for the next few years there was continued uncertainty about whether the new seat of government would be located on Shockoe Hill or on Church Hill. After the legislature reaffirmed its original preference for Shockoe Hill, the juries completed their real estate valuations in 1784. By 1798 this purchased land was generally known as the “Publick

Deep ravines sheltered free range goats and occasional cows. “ ”

Square” and by 1829 it was officially referred to as “Capitol Square.” For more than 30 years the public grounds were left largely unimproved in their natural state. Deep ravines sheltered free range goats and occasional cows, which seemed to regard the weed-strewn hilltop as a common pasture.

In 1816 Maximilian Godefroy made an effort to reduce chaos into order by introducing two fountains, a formal arrangement of terraced walkways and exotic trees planted in straight lines. In the 1850s John Notman re-landscaped the square in the English picturesque style, introducing winding paths, more entrance gates and benches, and random groupings of native variety shade trees. In time, goats and cows were eventually replaced by crowd pleasing curious squirrels, who remain a familiar presence on the square to this day. At last Richmond had a popular and accessible urban green space providing a worthy setting for the seat of government. The Capitol, designed by statesman-philosopher Thomas Jefferson, is the intended centerpiece on the square. It is the first public building in the NewWorld designed as a monumental classical temple. The oldest continuously elected representative assembly in the western hemisphere has been meeting here since 1788. Virginia’s Federal style 1813 Executive Mansion, located near the Capitol, remains an active residence for Virginia’s governors. It is the oldest governor’s mansion in the nation still being used for its original purposes. The Marquis de Lafayette and Sir Winston Churchill have visited here. The ongoing construction of local, state and federal public buildings in and around Capitol Square over time has created an

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Mary Wingfield Scott: Richmond’s Preservation Pioneer By Cierra Parks

easily walkable political campus for all three branches of government. These 18th, 19th and 20th century buildings comprise an open-air textbook of major architectural styles. Designs range from Classical to Federal to Italianate to Gothic Revival to Beaux Arts and Art Deco, as well as Modern skyscraper! The Capitol, Executive Mansion and the 1894 Old City Hall have been officially designated as National Historic Landmarks. For over two centuries Capitol Square has supported an evolving mix of residential, political, military, religious, educational and commercial activities. A church, hotel, theater and private homes once lined the now vanished Capitol Street running parallel to and just south of Broad Street. A private museum and later a public museum were once located inside the southeast corner of Capitol Square, as was a volunteer fire station. The Public Guard was quartered in the Bell Tower in the 19th century and drilled with other militia units on Capitol Square during public holidays, while music from military bands delighted the crowds. Capitol Square is an ideal setting for commemoration and remembrance. Striking bronze statues and living memorial trees honoring individuals and groups populate the gracefully landscaped square. A commanding 60-foot tall equestrian monument depicting Revolutionary War leader George Washington, unveiled on 22 February 1858, shares honors with other Virginia-born presidents, generals and governors. Also honored are poet Edgar Allen Poe and See Capitol Square Has Many Stories to Tell , continued on page 13 Mary Wingfield dedicated most of her life to the preservation of Richmond’s historic architecture, infamous landmarks, and residential neighborhoods. She wrote two books concerning the importance of preserving the historic architecture of Richmond, Virginia. Scott was particularly passionate about the Capitol Square. She spoke out against many proposed changes to the square, including the addition of a third billboard in the square which she described as “distasteful”. She opposed many landscaping changes to the Capitol grounds, particularly the planting of flowers that were not native to the grounds. Scott was also very passionate about the Capitol building, and adamantly opposed a second addition to Jefferson’s original building design. In her books, Scott often references the Capitol building and the Capitol Square as treasures which she believed were irreplaceable and symbolized the connection that the people of Virginia have to their culture and history. Scott often encouraged her readers to speak out in order to protect the Capitol from those who cared more about political power than the preservation of Virginia’s history. To ensure her message and fight for preservationwould continue, MaryWingfield Scott along with Wyndham B. Blanton, Elisabeth Scott Bocock and several others established the Historic Richmond Foundation in 1956. Their mission is “to shape the future of Richmond by preserving our distinctive historic character, sparking revitalization and championing our important architectural legacy.” Thanks to Mary Wingfield Scott and her passion for preserving Richmond’s history, many historic buildings and landmarks have sustained the test of time and are sure to be here for many years to come. Cite: Peninger, K.C (2011). Mary Wingfield Scott: A Rebel with a Rubble Cause (Master’s thesis). Virginia Commonwealth University Cierra Parks is a student editor for Virginia Capitol Connections Quarterly Magazine. She is a senior at Virginia Commonwealth University majoring in journalism and psychology. V

hen it comes to events no one throws a party like David Napier.

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Described as the “Godfather of the Declaration of Independence” by the late United States Supreme Court Justice Lewis F. Powell, Jr., Wythe signed the Declaration, helped organize its legal brief, and informed Jefferson’s noble preamble. Later, he played a key role in rescuing the Federal Constitution from failure during its ratification rounds in Virginia. America’s First Leadership School for Statesmen Except for a handful of Founding Fathers, the nation faced a severe leadership shortage at its beginning. Few Americans had a college education, and even fewer had been exposed to the ideals of a democratic republic, as modeled in ancient Greek and Roman history. The only government that Americans and their ancestors had known for generations was rule by King and Parliament, and most were at a loss as to how to proceed. Into the leadership void stepped George Wythe and Thomas Jefferson. In 1779, Jefferson, Virginia’s wartime governor, appointed Wythe, America’s foremost expert on law and government, as the nation’s first professor of law. Quickly, Wythe turned his law school at the College of William & Mary into the country’s first leadership training program for future statesmen. Not content simply to teach his students a trade, a profession, Wythe gave them a first-class liberal arts education, to become well- rounded individuals. Then, he asked more of them: that they leave his classroom to become ethical future leaders of the governments and judiciaries in their states and nation. At his death in 1806, his former students were virtually running America and Virginia. President Thomas Jefferson, Supreme Court Chief Justice John Marshall, rising statesman Henry Clay, and scores of other Wythe-taught leaders stood at the helm. George Wythe remains unquestionably the most influential teacher in American history, judged by student achievement in high public office. Honoring George Wythe on January 16 Perhaps Virginia’s General Assembly members can give Mr. Wythe a long-overdue salute on National Religious Freedom Day, January 16. His pupil Jefferson is always given full credit for writing Virginia’s religious freedom law, passed by the legislature on January 16, 1786, and later incorporated into the First Amendment of the Federal Constitution. Jefferson wrote the final draft, but the proposed reform was most definitely the work of a team, not an individual. In 1777, five prominent Virginia leaders were tasked with revising the state’s legal code, outdated with old laws from the Colonial period. Through attrition, the five-man committee became a committee of two—Wythe and Jefferson. For two years, they slogged through hundreds of documents. During this time, 1777-78, Wythe also served as Speaker of the House of Delegates. In 1779, Wythe and Jefferson reported a package of 126 new and revised laws to the General Assembly, including the measure for religious freedom. Wythe had a dog in the fight for religious liberty: old Virginia laws on the books persecuted his Quaker ancestors in draconian ways, including death, for the open practice of their faith. Jefferson came from a traditional background defined by Virginia’s established religion, the Anglican Church. It is unlikely that he had ever thought of the concept of religious freedom before coming toWilliamsburg as a young student and hearing the views of older reformers like his mentor. In summary,Wythe’s story is about the Power of One—the ability of just one individual to change the course of history for the better. America could benefit from more leaders today like this excellent Founding Father. Suzanne Munson lectures on the Wythe-Jefferson legacy at University of Virginia, William & Mary, and University of Richmond OSHER affiliates, the Chautauqua Institution in New York, and various civic and professional organizations. She is the author of the George Wythe biography, Jefferson’s Godfather: The Man Behind the Man, available on Amazon. Contact suzmunson01@gmail.com.

The Amazing Legacy of Speaker of the House George Wythe By Suzanne Munson

A stately marble bust of Virginia’s second Speaker of the House of Delegates, George Wythe, overlooks the Old House Chamber in the Virginia State Capitol. A larger-than-life statue of Wythe’s

law student and surrogate son, Thomas Jefferson, rises in the Capitol Extension Plaza. Jefferson stands tall due in no small part to the inspiration that he received from his beloved mentor, senior Founding Father Wythe.

While Jefferson was a genius, many of the ideas for which he is given credit weren’t original to him. I began to realize this while researching a biography, Jefferson’s Godfather, about Wythe and his lifelong relationship with Jefferson. It became apparent that Wythe’s reformist, scholarly mind was very much behind the three lifetime achievements that Jefferson asked to be engraved on his tombstone: author of the Declaration of Independence, author of the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom, and father of the University of Virginia. Why Should We Care? One might ask: Why should we care about this long-dead leader, Wythe, sometimes called America’s “Forgotten Founding Father”? It is important to revisit his legacy today, as his life and ideals are as relevant in the 21st century as they were in the 18th, at the birth of our great nation. Wythe held up a light in the darkness of America’s early development, when the young country gravely needed ethical leadership and good direction following its radical divorce from England. Wythe taught and lived the ideal of the honorable public servant— one who works selflessly for the good of state and nation. He was the “only honest lawyer I ever knew,” quipped one clergyman. His principled character was a model for younger American leaders and for what we nostalgically refer to today as “The Virginia Way.”

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